Big Sky Free Press

Published February 8, 2009
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James L. Jones
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U.S. National Security Adviser Jones gave these remarks at the 45th Munich Conference on Security Policy at the Hotel Bayerischer Hof on February 8, 2009.
"Thank you for that wonderful tribute to Henry Kissinger
yesterday. Congratulations. As the most recent National Security Advisor of
the United States, I take my daily orders from Dr. Kissinger, filtered down
through General Brent Scowcroft and Sandy Berger, who is also here. We have
a chain of command in the National Security Council that exists today.
I think my role today is a little bit different than you might expect.
Following the speech of the Vice President and the presence of our
distinguished members from the U.S. House of Representatives, I thought that
I would spend my time talking to you about how taking the President’s
guidance and the Vice President’s comments yesterday, I would spend a few
moments trying to discuss how the U.S. National Security Council intends to
reorganize itself in order to be supportive. For decades, this conference in
Munich has provided a truly exceptional forum for the kind of open dialogue
and candid discussions that can only take place among close friends and
allies. The Vice President’s attendance and his speech yesterday should send
I think a very strong and sincere signal about the seriousness of our
purpose when it comes to listening, engaging and building stronger
partnerships with all of our friends and allies because the President feels
that the transatlantic alliance is a cornerstone to our collective security.
As many of you know, I have been here coming to this conference since 1980
and I have been privileged to work and know many of you here. I would like
to salute my military colleagues with whom I have not only a deep friendship
but shared many of the issues that we are discussing in a positive way
today. And I am delighted to be back in an altered state, so to speak.
I know there is great curiosity about President Obama among many here. And
there has been wonderful enthusiasm and new energy with regard to his
election from people all over the world. I would like to take just a moment
to speak to you about his approach to national security and in fact
international security and the role that I see the National Security Council
playing. First and foremost the President’s strategic approach will be
grounded in the real understanding of the challenges we face in the 21st
century. We must simply better understand the environment that we are in.
The President, if nothing else, is a pragmatist. He knows that we must deal
with the world as it is. And he knows that the world is a very different
place than it was just a few years ago. As he said in his inaugural address,
the world has changed and we must change with it. And we certainly agree
that the world is a multipolar place in the time frame of the moments we are
in.
It is hard to overstate the differences between the 20th and the 21st
centuries. We have already experienced many, many differences in the 21st
century. When this conference first met, everything was viewed through the
prism of the Cold War. And in retrospect, life was simpler then. It was
certainly more organized. It was certainly more symmetric.
Year in and year out, the strategic environment was fairly consistent and
predictable. Threats were "conventional." The transatlantic security
partnership was largely designed to meet the threats of a very symmetric
world. It was reactive. The NATO partnership was conceived to be a defensive
and fairly static alliance. And I spent a good deal of my career in uniform
serving within this framework. But to move forward, we must understand the
terms national security and international security are no longer limited to
the ministries of defense and foreign ministries; in fact, it encompasses
the economic aspects of our societies. It encompasses energy. It encompasses
new threats, asymmetric threats involving proliferation, involving the
illegal shipment of arms and narco-terrorism, and the like. Borders are no
longer recognized and the simultaneity of the threats that face us are
occurring at a more rapid pace.
And as the President has detailed, a comprehensive approach to our national
security and international security in the 21st century must identify and
understand that the wider array of existing threats that threaten us. To
name a few:
-Terror and extremism has taken many lives and on many continents across the
globe.
-The ongoing struggle in Afghanistan and the activity along the Pakistani
border is an international security challenge of the highest order.
- The spread of nuclear and chemical biological and cyber-technologies that
could upset the global order and cause catastrophe on an unimaginable scale
is real. It is pressing and it is time that we dealt with it.
- The overdependence on fossil fuels that endangers our security, our
economies, and the health of the planet.
- Protracted tribal, ethnic, and religious conflicts.
- Poverty, corruption, and disease stands in the way of progress and
causes great suffering in many parts of the world.
- Narco-terrorism that provides the economic fuel for insurgencies.
- And an economic crisis that serves as the foundation of our strength.
This list is by no means exhaustive. The challenges that we face are broader
and more diverse than we ever imagined, even after the terrible events of
9/11. And our capacity to meet these challenges in my view does not yet
match the urgency of what is required. To be blunt, the institutions and
approaches that we forged together through the 20th century are still
adjusting to meet the realities of the 21st century. And the world has
definitely changed, but we have not changed with it. But it is not too late,
and this is the good news.
In our country, one of the institutions that is changing is the National
Security Council, which like so much of our national and international
security architecture was formed in the wake of World War II and during the
Cold War. So let me say a few words about what the National Security Council
does and how President Obama has asked that I approach my job as National
Security Adviser. The President has made clear that to succeed against 21st
century challenges, the United States must use, balance, and integrate all
elements of national influence: our military and our diplomacy, our economy
and our intelligence, and law enforcement capacity, our cultural outreach,
and as was mentioned yesterday, the power of our moral example, in short,
our values. Given this role, the NSC is by definition at the nexus of that
effort. It integrates on a strategic sense all elements of our national
security community towards the development of effective policy development
and interagency cooperation. But to better carry out the president’s
priorities, the National Security Council must respond to the world the way
it is and not as we wish it were. And it must consider the fusion of our
national priorities within the broader international context and interest.
The NSC’s mission is relatively simple. It should perform the functions that
it alone can perform and serve as a strategic center – and the word
strategic is operative here – for the President’s priorities.
To achieve those goals we will be guided by several principles. As one of
our great comedians in the United States, Groucho Marx, once said, "These
are our principles. And if you don’t like them, we have others."
First, the NSC must be strategic, as I mentioned. It is easy to get bogged
down in the tactical concerns that consume the day-to-day conduct. As a
matter of fact, it is much more enjoyable to be involved at the tactical
level. But we won’t effectively advance the priorities if we spend our time
reacting to events, instead of shaping them. And that requires strategic
thinking. The National Security Council I think is unique in its ability to
step back and take a longer and wider view of our American national security
and our role in the shared context of our international security as well.
Second, the NSC must manage coordination across different agencies of the
government – increasing numbers of agencies. We have learned the hard way
that this has real implications, both in terms of how policy has developed
in Washington and how it is in fact executed. The NSC must therefore
function as a strategic integrator by doing several things. One, by ensuring
that dissenting views are heard and considered throughout the policy-making
process. Two, by monitoring policy implementation to ensure that agencies
are coordinating effectively in the field, and that the President’s
priorities are being carried out in practice. Third, the NSC must be
transparent. We serve the President. We also serve other principal agencies
of our government. And that’s why I am committed to managing a process that
is as open as possible so that we forge policies that are widely understood
throughout our government by our people and by our partners around the
world. Fourth, the National Security Council must be agile. We face nimble
adversaries and all of us will have to confront fast-moving crises – from
conflict and terrorism to new diseases and environmental disasters. To keep
pace, we will have to move faster in developing policy and priorities than
did our predecessors. The world is a smaller place. Communications is more
rapid. And therefore our reactions must be swifter. And we must be able to
communicate rapidly throughout the government and around the world in order
to effectively respond.
And finally, the National Security Council must adapt to evolving
challenges. There are traditional priorities that we will manage. But we
must also update our outlook and sometimes our organization to keep pace
with the changing world. To give you just a few examples, the NSC today
works very closely with President Obama’s National Economic Council, which
is led by Mr. Larry Summers, so that our response to the economic crisis is
coordinated with our global partners and our national security needs. The
NSC has worked closely with the White House Counsel’s office as we implement
the President’s orders to ban torture and close the detention center at
Guantanamo Bay. The National Security Council is undertaking a review to
determine how best to unify our efforts to combat terrorism around the world
while protecting our homeland. And this effort will be led by Mr. John
Brennan.
The National Security Council will be at the table as our government forges
a new approach to energy security and climate change that demand broad
cooperation across the U.S. Government and more persistent American
leadership around the world. And the NSC is evaluating how to update our
capacity to combat the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction while
also placing a far higher priority on cyber security.
There is no fixed model that can capture the world in all of its complexity.
What’s right today will have to be different four years from now or eight
years from now. And that’s precisely the point. The NSC’s comparatively
small size gives it a unique capacity to reinvent itself as required and to
pivot on the key priorities of our time.
Just as we change our ways at home, so too must we change our international
partnerships in order to adapt to the 21st century. Minister Jung just
pointed out some very good examples of how NATO could change. If there is
one overriding characteristic to the world we face, it is the truth that
security is shared. And as President Obama has said time and again, we are
strongest when we act alongside our partners.
I know there will be much discussion over the next few months as to the
future of NATO, so I am not going to dwell on the topic, although I am
passionate about it. I do know that the President looks forward to
addressing the future of the alliance at the 60th anniversary summit in
April. I have been a fan and a participant in NATO since I was a child,
watching NATO during the Cold War as I was growing up and as a military
commander, watching NATO troops patrol the streets of Kabul and elsewhere in
Afghanistan and the Balkans and the skies and in the Mediterranean. And I
can tell you this. NATO is as relevant to our common security in the first
half of the 21st century as it was to our common defense in the second half
of the 20th century. We know that NATO is a strong alliance, perhaps the
strongest the world has ever known. Its capacity does not just come from the
strength of its arms but from the enduring democratic values that bind our
nations together. And from the iron-clad commitment that ensures our
collective security. But I also know this. NATO must also change. It needs
to become less reactive and more proactive. I think it needs to become less
rigid and more flexible. It needs to become less stationary and more
expeditionary. And it needs to become more, not less, essential to our
collective security. Our Secretary-General has been a strong voice for
developing a new strategic vision for the alliance; and judging from this
conference, this has been one of the finest conferences I have attended in
Munich; and judging from this conference, the time has come to do so.
There is no doubt that NATO’s involvement in Afghanistan poses an enormous
task for NATO, but not just NATO, for indeed all international institutions
located on the ground in an effort to bring this to a happy and satisfactory
conclusion. Given the nexus of terror and extremism, drugs and
proliferation, we cannot afford failure in Afghanistan. And that’s why the
Obama Administration will work closely with NATO and with the Afghan and
Pakistani Governments to forge a new comprehensive strategy to meet
achievable goals. This will be a shared effort with our allies. Afghanistan
is not simply an American problem, it is an international problem. And as we
work to meet these short-term tests, we must show the same strategic vision
that mark NATO’s founding six decades ago. Our predecessors had the vision
to build institutions that were durable, that could meet the challenges of
the day while adapting over the course of several decades. Now the world has
changed, and history has called on us to change once more – and this, we
must do. President Obama is committed to pursuing a national security
strategy that is fully responsive to the challenges that we face. That means
facing down current threats, while forging the lasting structures and
capabilities that will protect our people and advance our interests well
into the future. As part of that effort, we will take steps that I have
outlined to be stronger at home and we will seek stronger partnerships with
our friends abroad. Those partnerships will require continuous and rapid
consultation. As part of that consultation, the Obama Administration will
listen closely, be clear about what we are doing, and work hard to find
common ground and develop common capabilities. I have no doubt that we are
at another crossroads in history. Together we have fought wars and torn down
walls of division and together I know that we can meet the challenges of
this moment in history if we have the courage and the commitment to change
with the times.
Thank you very much."
Essential Documents are vital primary sources underpinning the foreign policy debate.
Taken from the Council on Foreign Relations, the CFR, own web site;